07/25/2013
07:22 PM
Egyptian Politician
'The Brotherhood Knows
the End Is Coming'
Egypt has been shaken by
daily clashes since the recent coup. In an interview, leftist Egyptian
politician Mamduoh Habashi explains why the military
intervention was
good for the country and his belief that the Muslim
Brotherhood is on
its way out.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Mr. Habashi, German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle called the toppling of
Mohammed Morsi a "serious setback for democracy." How would you
describe it?
Mamduoh Habashi: Mr. Westerwelle has a different
understanding of democracy than I do. For me, democracy is the will of the
people, and this blatantly manifested itself in a tremendous mass movement, the largest Egypt has ever
seen. For Westerwelle, on the other hand, democracy appears to be something
purely formal. For him, this has solely to do with the 2012 vote, despite the
fact that the presidential election at the time was anything but clean.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Were the elections manipulated?
Habashi: Definitely. First, there was no real
election oversight. Every institution was controlled by the military, and the
army very much wanted to prevent a representative of the revolution from being
elected. With candidates like (Hosni Mubarak's last prime minister) Ahmed Shafiq and Morsi, they
thought the things would tilt in their favor. Additionally, the Islamists
invested a lot of money in the campaign and bought votes. No other political
group could keep up.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: But internationally the elections were seen
as exemplary.
Habashi: Most Egyptians felt they had been cheated
out of their revolution, but they still accepted Morsi's victory. It wasn't a
clear victory, though. Morsi had only a razor thin majority. His presidency was
characterized by unbelievable arrogance and audacity. Morsi and his Muslim
Brotherhood paid even less attention to the people's hardships than Mubarak.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: And that's why the military had to
intervene on July 3?
Habashi: The Egyptian military did what it had to
do. There was no other option, because millions of people wanted the
Brotherhood to be stripped of power. What was the alternative -- to look on as
democracy was undermined and destroyed? Do you know what people here say? They
compare it to the purchase of preserved food that is supposed to last for four
years. Imagine opening up the can to find that after just half a year, it has
gone bad. What would you do? Eat it anyway or throw out the can?
SPIEGEL ONLINE: At the same time, since Morsi was ousted
there have been fresh protests and attacks. Egypt has become more dangerous.
Habashi: Of course, many Islamists are radicalizing
and turning to violence. That doesn't mean, however, that the country is
sinking into chaos. The Muslim Brotherhood's popularity is sinking rapidly.
Morsi supporters have never gotten more than 100,000 people onto the streets,
whereas his opponents have drawn several million.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Does the Muslim Brotherhood still believe
it can turn the tide in its favor?
Habashi: No, the leaders of the Brotherhood know the
end is coming. At a certain point, they will negotiate with the interim
government and the military, but first they want to get as much out of it as
they can.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Europeans and the Americans have called on
both sides to reconcile. Do you see any chance of this happening?
Habashi: What kind of
reconciliation are we talking about? The Islamists are hardly interested in any
kind of sustainable reconciliation. They are digging in their heels, unwilling
to let go of their totalitarian ideology. A non-secular state according to
Islamist ideology, which would inevitably discriminate against those with other
religious beliefs, can never be a democratic one. The mainstream media often
refer to the post-apartheid struggle in South Africa in this context. But the
example is totally wrong. In South Africa, the white minority very clearly
renounced its apartheid policies. That was the absolute prerequisite for
reconciliation. The Muslim Brotherhood lacks that kind of insight.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: You referred to the fact that, initially at
least, the Brotherhood and the military cooperated successfully. What went
wrong?
Habashi: The military leadership and the Muslim
Brotherhood had a clear deal stipulating that the generals would maintain all
privileges and would not have to answer to any institution and that, in turn,
the Islamists would be allowed to rule the country as they saw fit. At first,
both sides upheld the deal. But as dissatisfaction with Morsi grew, the
military could not remain inactive.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: After the downfall of Mubarak,
revolutionaries had significant difficulties dealing with the military council.
Why do you think things will go better this time?
Habashi: The military leadership has no interest in
actually ruling the country. They would prefer to leave that to others. In
2011, they had no choice, because there actually was a power vacuum left behind
after they sacrificed Mubarak and his clique. However, I will admit that the
current revolt is comprised not only of revolutionaries, but also of members of
the old regime. The coalition against Morsi spans from leftists to liberals to
nationalists and right up to important military officials.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: In other words, the interim government
currently in place is partly made up of the very individuals who were the
target of protests in 2011.
Habashi: Yes, the interim government clearly is not
a product of the revolution. However, it still represents a huge leap forward
because we can expect that it will uphold the rule of law. And it is comprised
of experts who truly understand something about economics, justice and
agriculture. I anticipate that the most pressing problems will be addressed.
There is hope again -- and there wasn't any during Morsi's last days.
SPIEGEL ONLINE: Do you think it is right that Morsi is
still being detained at an undisclosed location? The European Union is
demanding his release.
Habashi: Public prosecutors are
still investigating him. At issue is the case of a jailbreak that the
leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood was also involved in. There are even
eyewitness reports. And that is just one of many allegations. There are lists
establishing how Morsi's minions were given real estate either for free or at
rock-bottom prices. But of course court procedures against Morsi also have to
be fair and transparent. The justice system cannot be used to exact revenge.
Interview conducted by Daniel
Steinvorth
URL:
Related SPIEGEL ONLINE
links:
·
Egypt in Turmoil Salafists Gain Strength amid
Political Chaos (07/16/2013)
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,911423,00.html
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,911423,00.html
·
Search for Stability Deep Divides Threaten
Egypt's Path Forward (07/10/2013)
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,910358,00.html
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,910358,00.html
·
Crisis in Egypt Mubarak's Old Guard Allies with Salafists
(07/09/2013)
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,910266,00.html
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,910266,00.html
·
Revolution Reloaded Difficult Path Forward for a Divided
Egypt (07/08/2013)
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,910027,00.html
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,910027,00.html
·
Interview with Egyptian Politician ElBaradei 'This Was Not
a Coup' (07/08/2013)
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,909976,00.html
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,909976,00.html
© SPIEGEL ONLINE 2013
All Rights Reserved
Reproduction only allowed with the permission of SPIEGELnet GmbH
All Rights Reserved
Reproduction only allowed with the permission of SPIEGELnet GmbH
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/mamduoh-habashi-discusses-the-situation-in-egypt-a-913166.html
Comments
Post a Comment